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DR.
FRANKLIN’S PLAN The sudden illness of his wife Martha called his travelling companion Thomas Jefferson back to Monticello. So on a Saturday in late October 1776 Benjamin Franklin, almost 70, exhausted and afflicted by gout and boils went aboard without him, and sailed for France in the 16-gun sloop Reprisal.[i] He did so in the certain knowledge that if Reprisal was taken by a British warship he would be hanged for High Treason. His name was on the inflammatory Declaration of Independence, a document he had just helped Jefferson to write. Franklin had been home less than
a year, after almost two decades spent in the belly of the most powerful empire
in the world representing first Pennsylvania’s and, eventually, America’s
case at the court of King George II then, when he died, his grandson George III.
The experience had made him more familiar with the ways of Europe than anyone
else in the new American government, and he was going to need all the expertise
he could muster. If he could not
convince the French to fund and support the war, those who were leading the
revolution all knew their cause would fail.
It would be almost a decade before he returned to the country he had
worked so long to create. There
was never any real question as to whether Franklin would accept this appointment
to represent the newly declared United States at the court of Louis XVI. He
never turned down a request that he work for America.
He had come late to the idea of Independence, but early to America as a
distinct union. Once he had
embraced independence, he had passionately held to a distinct vision of the kind
of country he wanted it to be: a democratic republic whose political power
flowed from its middle class. To build such a society he had been working with
three simple practical steps: the
creation of “virtuous” citizens, the formation of small groups with a common
purpose and commitment to the collective good, and the establishment of networks
that grew from these groups connecting. “I have
always thought,” he once wrote a friend, “that one man of tolerable
abilities may work great changes and accomplish great affairs among mankind, if
he first forms a good plan and… makes the execution of that same plan his sole
study.”[ii] He had been thinking of the
colonies as one country for almost 40 years.[iii]
As early as 1751 he had outlined how a union might be achieved.[iv]
Three years later, as he made his way to a conference in Albany, New
York, he formalized this thinking into Short
Hints towards a Scheme for Uniting the Northern Colonies.[v]
The conference was officially about concluding a treaty with the Six
Nations, a powerful force that had to be honored. The
confederation of the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Senecas and
Tuscaroras also constituted the oldest continuous
democracy, and their thinking and the presence
of their leaders influenced Franklin. He
got the colonist delegates to seriously talk about a union for the first time
and, on 9 July, they asked him to prepare a formal written document:
the Albany Plan of Union. It
was so premature that neither the individual colonies nor the British Government
were willing to make the adjustments in power a union would demand, even as part
of the British empire. In this
plan, and in three subsequent letters, Franklin presented the arguments that
would define the War of Independence, a quarter century before it happened.[vi] That same year, he was made
Deputy Post Master of North America. He
wanted the appointment. The salary
when added to the money he was making from his business activities would give
him an income equal to the governor, the great man of the colony,[vii]
and it was his justification to begin travelling through the colonies for months
at a time. In an age when travel
was difficult, problematic, frequently uncomfortable, and sometimes dangerous,
he loved it. He was no more
deterred by bad roads, or foul weather, than he was by the conditions aboard
square rigged sailing ships, or the storms during the lengthy Atlantic
crossings. He rode well, loved good
food, although he would eat anything put before him, and was wonderful company.
A compulsive scientist, and insatiably curious, he could not cross an
ocean without measuring currents, could not look at a stream without considering
the fish that swam within, or ride a horse without considering horse, weather,
and the species of tree they both sheltered beneath.
And he talked and wrote about all of it.
People were fascinated. By joking and cajoling, spiced
with patronage, and instruction, he got local people, who mostly had no
conception of his larger plan, to make the colonial post office the first
effective government institution to treat America as a country.
No other Founder had similar experience, or even came close to Franklin’s
direct level of familiarity with the cultures, beliefs, and by-ways of the
diverse and contradictory land and people that had just become The United
States. Most
intellectuals, working from drawing rooms on both sides of the Atlantic, thought
the colonies would eventually replicate Britain’s power structure based on
large land ownership, and an entrenched leadership class.
There was more land than anyone in Europe had ever seen and, amongst the
leadership, Washington, Jefferson, Mason, Madison and a host of other Founders,
lived the country life. Even city
rich such as Robert Morris, owned and speculated in land.
Franklin, however, although he was often involved in land schemes, did
not think the British agrarian model, even in its more noble Jeffersonian
variant, would prevail. The reason
he did not was because his life had been very different from the other Founders.
They all were country gentry or urban upper middle class professionals. He was a
“leather apron man” in the slang of his day, was proud of it, and never changed, no matter the circumstances. When he got to
France and eventually called upon the King, he did not wear the obligatory
courtiers’ wig but a round fur hat, and instead of embroidered silks the
wealthy affected, he always wore the clean well-made but simple “Quaker”
clothes of cotton and wool that were his hallmark. His rented home at Passy in France, like his home in
Philadelphia, was notable for comfort, convenience, books, and nifty gadgets,
not fancy style, and he never lost touch with friends regardless of the
difference in their stations. When he wrote
his will at the end of a life filled with honors, and celebrity he defined
himself as: ”I Benjamin Franklin,
of Philadelphia, printer, late Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States
of America to the Court of France, now President of the State of
Pennsylvania.”[viii] It wasn’t personal experience,
alone, however, that guided Franklin. He
appraised with a demographer’s eye, and calculated that the American
population and economy within a century would exceed that of Britain.
Almost 50 years before Thomas Malthus wrote his famous An
Essay on Principle of Population in 1798, Franklin had written, Observations concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling of Countries,
etc.. “ No man continues long
a labourer for others,” wrote Franklin as he considered the vast tracts of the
frontier, “but gets a plantation of his own….
No man continues long a journeyman to a trade,” he said, thinking of
the thriving shops he had known, “but goes… and sets up for himself.”[ix]
He was right. In 1775, the skilled working class, “artificers” as they
were then called, represented about 3 out of 10 people in the Boston population,
which was about 10,000.[x],[xi]
The Tax Rolls of 1772, show not quite half the Philadelphia population of
nearly 25,000 listed in the same category.[xii],[xiii]
It was a class structure very different from Europe where a bloated and
corrupt aristocracy was supported in the cities and countryside by the mass of
people, many of whom lived in appalling poverty.[xiv] Franklin was born 17 January
1706, in a little rented house (now gone) on Milk Street in Boston, and taken
that same cold wintry day across to the Old South Church where he was baptized.[xv]
His father, Josiah Franklin, was nearly 50, a soap and candle maker.
His mother, Abiah Folger was 38.[xvi]
Benjamin would be Abiah’s 10th and last child.
[xvii]
We know very little about her beyond Franklin’s words in her epitaph.
He called her a “discreet and virtuous woman.”[xviii] Josiah had immigrated from the
village of Ecton in the English midlands where, for 300 years, the Franklin clan
had been small freeholders, their income supplemented by a blacksmith shop.[xix]
He had been apprenticed as a cloth dyer, a trade he had inherited from
his father[xx]
but, when he came to Boston in 1683, there were already dyers enough.
He had no choice but to find another trade, and he became a tallow
chandler, rendering animal fat to make soaps and candles.[xxi]
A deeply religious Congregationalist, he was respected for his piety and
his fair judgement. Benjamin as a boy recalled visits, when the city’s master
craftsmen came to ask his father to mediate small disputes.[xxii] The other major adult figure in
the boy’s life was Josiah’s brother for whom Franklin had been named.
His uncle Benjamin did not do well in England and immigrated to
Massachusetts when Benjamin was almost seven.
For the next three or four years he lived with Josiah and his family, and
took special care of his young nephew, already seen as the most exceptional of
Josiah’s and Abiah’s children.[xxiii] Josiah’s original plan for his
youngest son was that he be the family’s tithe to their church.
Benjamin would become a minister.[xxiv]
He sent him to Boston Latin School, an unusual choice for a working class
family. But Josiah now had modest
prosperity, and it was a critical step in the process of making a clergyman.
The school taught the students enough Latin to pass the entrance exam for
Harvard College, from whence they would like arrows head towards ordination. Within a year his father’s
judgment seemed validated; although
slow in math, Benjamin had a gift for languages, and had advanced to the head of
his class.[xxv]
He was moved up to the next class, with plans for him to move to a third,
and yet more advanced class, at the end of the year.
But it never happened. Josiah
suddenly took Benjamin out of Boston Latin, and sent him to George Brownell, a
local school master who taught bright tradesmens’ boys a little grammar,
writing, and mathematics, so that they could help their masters when
apprenticed.[xxvi]
In his Autobiography, Franklin
said practicality and interest in his success had trumped his father’s
religious commitment, and that the decision was made “from a view of the
Expence of a College Education which, having so large a Family, he could not
well afford, and the mean [inadequate]
Living many so educated were afterwards able to obtain….”[xxvii]
Those may not have been the only reasons though.
Franklin’s grandson Temple later told a story about how his grandfather
“found the long graces used by his father before and after meals very tedious.
One day after the winter’s provisions had been salted,”
Franklin told his father “‘if you were to say Grace
over the whole cask -- once for all -- it would be a vast saving
of time.’”[xxviii] In 1715, when he was 10 years
old, his formal academic education, totalling less than a year,[xxix]
ended and like most working class boys of that time, Franklin entered the world
of the apprentice, the real engine of education in the colonies.[xxx]
(“Dr.” Franklin would be created in late middle age when he received an
honorary doctorate from St Andrews University in 1759, and one from Oxford in
1762.) He started
with his father, but hated the messy business of soap and candle making
and longed to run away to sea, as an older brother had.[xxxi] Josiah then considered
apprenticing his son to his cousin Samuel who made knives, thinking it would
hold the boy’s attention. But
Samuel asked too high a fee to take Benjamin on and, at 12, the boy became the
apprentice of another older brother James -- nine years senior -- to learn the
printing trade.[xxxii] Although he would never attempt
really fine printing, from the first, Franklin loved the mechanicalness of the
press, its presence as a machine, the smell of oiled metal and ink, the dust of
the paper, the worn wooden boxes with their stacks of type, the whole thing
enchanted him. Sixty years later,
when he was in Passy and America’s Minister Plenipotentiary, he set up a press
so that he could print his forms and official documents. Had we seen him during his time
with James, we would have seen a stocky energetic boy, attired in the deerskin knee breeches that along with
thick blue wool knee stockings, long-sleeved speckled shirt, and thick well
greased and substantial shoes, made up the uniform of a printer’s apprentice.[xxxiii] His manners might be rough, but
he already had a taste for books, and he was reading Plutarch and Defoe at 12.
Even though the brothers fought almost from the beginning, James seems to
have encouraged his reading. He
himself was just returned from London where he had done his own apprenticeship,
and proud of the sophistication he had acquired there.
His printing house sold Swift, Dryden, Pope,
Addison, and Steele at a time when several of these titles would not have been
found in the Harvard Library.[xxxiv]
Matthew Adams, a tradesman with literary tastes who came to the
printing house, also took an interest in Benjamin and gave him the run of his
small library. It was in Adams’ library that he first was exposed to the
of the English philosopher John Locke’s writings on personal freedom, and the
perfectibility of man, concepts that would so deeply affect many of the
Founders.[xxxv]
These books were his real education, and his mind opened like sunrise. He inherited his father’s
intense interest in the spiritual questions of life, but not his father’s
forms. After carefully considering
the question he decided that while he was a believer -- a Deist -- he was not
going to be a churchgoer. He says
he found the theological judgments the various sects levied on each other
discordant and their disputes arid.[xxxvi]
“I think vital religion has always suffered when orthodoxy is more
regarded than virtue,” he once wrote to his parents.[xxxvii]
This struggle to work out the difference between the spiritual and the
religious, did not take place in private. Although
the main reason he left Boston was a dispute with his brother, he admits that
“My indiscrete Disputations about religion (had) begun to make me
pointed at with Horror by good People, as an Infidel or Atheist.”[xxxviii] He began using the time people
were at church to work on his reading and writing, but he always supported
church congregations, and advocated people attending. He saw churches as the one institution, in a new world that
had very few, that supported virtue,
which he saw as critical to a citizen’s inner growth, and the creation of a
civil society. When he married he
paid an annual fee for several years to maintain a pew at the only Presbyterian
Church in Philadelphia and, later, at the Episcopalian Christ Church where his
wife Deborah attended, his two younger children were baptized, and he and
Deborah ultimately were buried. In 1722, at 16, not long before
he left Boston, Franklin quite consciously changed his life radically.
After reading one of the first health books ever published in America, The
Way to Health by Thomas Tryon[xxxix]
he became a vegetarian for a while, began a regular exercise program, and may
have been the only man in Philadelphia who tried to bathe regularly.[xl]
He also became concerned with ventilation, proper breathing, and good air,[xli]
and, when he was 81, told his physician and friend Benjamin Rush, with whom he
started the first hospital in Philadelphia, that he had “never snuffed, chewed
or smoked.”[xlii] All of these decision
flowed from Tyron’s arguments that respecting his body made him a better more
productive person, and expressed greater respect for his Creator.
Better individuals made better citizens, better citizens made for a more
civil democratic society. It was a
view shaped by the Enlightenment Philosophers he had read who centered science
on the idea that the human species was infinitely perfectible.
Franklin’s logical mind took easily to the patterns of science with it
process of developing theories, and using experiments to test them.
He resolved to make his own life his first experiment . He was willing to learn from
anyone. Cotton Mather was already
famous for his involvement with the Salem Witch Trials, and the most influential
Puritan in Massachusetts when he first published, Bonifacius:
Essays to Do Good in 1710. Franklin
biographer Ronald Clark calls Mather “one of the most disagreeable characters
of early American history…”[xliii],
and it was a book that would hardly have seemed a Franklin choice given its
dogmatic religious views. Even more
dubious a selection since the Franklin brothers were then in open conflict with
the powerful Mather clan. Yet
Cotton Mather’s words, including: “…You must accept of any public
service, of which you are capable, when you are called to it… The fault of
not employing our talent for the public good is justly styled, ‘a great
sacrilege in the Temple of the God of Nature,”[xliv]
had a profound effect on Franklin.
Three quarters of a century later, having lived a life of almost
unparalleled public service, he would write Mather’s son, Samuel:
“If I have been, as you seem to think, a useful citizen, the public
owes the advantage of it to (your father’s) book.” He even used Mather’s book
title as an inside joke to create the surname “Dogood” for his first
literary alter ego, a fictional middle-aged widow, Silence Dogood. Her 14 letters, published in his brother’s newspaper the Courant,
represent his first major public writing. They
were an instant and influential success, and he
immediately understood the power that writing well bestowed, and the influence
media commanded. [xlv] By the time he had gotten to the
eighth letter, published on 2 July 1722, the 16-year old Franklin had gone
beyond the gossipy humor with which he had begun the letters, and embarked on
what would become a life-long working out of his philosophy in print: “WITHOUT
Freedom of Thought,” he wrote, “there can be no such Thing as Wisdom; and no
such Thing as publick Liberty, without Freedom of Speech; which is the Right of
every Man, as far as by it, he does not hurt or control the Right of another.
And this is the only Check it ought to suffer, and the only bounds it ought to
know. “This
sacred Privilege is so essential to free Governments, that the Security of
Property, and the Freedom of Speech always go together…. Whoever would
overthrow the Liberty of a Nation, must begin by subduing the Freedom of
Speech...”[xlvi] In 1727, he proposed to a group
of friends that they join together to start what he called the Junto.
It was the first test of his hypothesis about the power of small
associations. Part club, part
encounter group, part civic action team, it became ‘his benevolent lobby for
the benefit of Philadelphia’ and, truth be told, now and then to the advantage
of the members including Franklin.[xlvii]
Wealth as an end in itself though wasn’t interesting as a life goal, and it
became even less enticing as his world expanded, and he came to know the rich
and powerful, and saw that money could not be equated with virtue and wisdom,
which is what he sought. When he
got to a comfortable level of affluence he basically set his business machine in
motion through partners, and walked away from it, passing up profits that would
have made him a far richer man. He
never forgot what he had sometimes done to make money though, and he knew that
unless there were avenues for enterprising people to advance, the weaker spirits
would devolve to corruption, despair, and crime.
To create those opportunities, he used the Junto small group model again
and again, including, when a group grew unwieldy, spinning off clones.
Linked up the groups made networks.
It was particularly effective starting fire companies, but he started
police, and libraries with it, as well. At 22, he wrote Articles
of Belief and Acts of Religion, which would serve him as creed and private
service, linking his inner world of spirit, and his outer world of action.
“I shall make myself most acceptable to Him… I believe He is pleased
and delights in the happiness of those He has created; and since without virtue
man can have no happiness in this world, I firmly believe he delights to see me
virtuous, because He is pleased when He sees me happy….”[xlviii]
Looking at his own life in terms of what it meant for him to be a
virtuous citizen, he compiled a list of “virtues”, explaining to his friends
that “the perfection of anything” was
“only the greatest the nature of the thing is capable of.”[xlix]
With typical lack of modesty, he told them he intended to emulate Jesus
and Socrates.[l] “Like a scientist undertaking an experiment,”[li]
he ranked his list according to how hard he thought it would be for him to
attain that quality, and then set about working on them, one by one.
The order is revealing. At
the head of the list was Temperance; easy
for a man who had already decided against excessive drinking or eating.
Then: Silence, Order,
Resolution, Frugality, Industry, Sincerity, Justice, Moderation, Cleanliness,
Tranquility and, finally, the two really tough ones for him:
Chastity, and Humility. In youth Van Doren says,
Franklin “went to women hungrily, secretly, and briefly.”[lii]
Before he entered into a marriage with Deborah Read, he fathered a child
while in London, shortly after leaving his brother James’s shop in Boston. The
mother’s identity was never known. Without concern for what others thought, he
brought the son he named William back to Pennsylvania in 1726, and acknowledged
and reared the boy, as he would acknowledge and largely rear William’s
illegitimate son Temple who, in turn, also had a child (who died) out of wedlock
while Franklin was in France.[liii]
In spite of this Franklin was not casual about marriage.
He supported his partnership and saw his marriage as the foundation of
his successful life.[liv] He was 24, when he and Deborah,
a carpenter’s daughter, registered
their marriage at Christ Church on the first of September 1730. It had to be a
common law union without a ceremony because Deborah had been abandoned by a
first husband, who was presumed to still be alive. She was “a sturdy,
handsome, high coloured woman, untaught and sometimes turbulent, little
interested in her husband’s studies or speculations but devoted to him.”[lv]
For the next 25 years they worked in tandem building up first their own
printing house, and publishing their paper, The
Pennsylvania Gazette, and then the
series of partnerships, and what amounted to printing franchises that would give
Franklin the freedom to pursue his goals through public service. Deborah would not be comfortable
when famous and brilliant people began to be drawn to her husband, nor did
Philadelphia society ever really accept her.
At home they lived the family centered life Deborah preferred while
Franklin entertained at his clubs and in taverns. In 1732 a son, Francis, was
born only to die at four from smallpox. Franklin
would always mourn him. In 1744, a
daughter Sarah, known as Sally, was born; she would grow up to be her mother’s
companion. There is no evidence that he was
unfaithful to Deborah at any time in this period, and he acknowledges in many
places the debt he felt for her support of him, her loving care, and her careful
stewardship of their financial interests, particularly when he was away.[lvi]
There was deep affection always between them.
She called him “Pappy.”[lvii] They began to grow apart as
their interests diverged, and it was compounded by the fact that Deborah
didn’t like travel and particularly feared sea voyages.
Once Franklin began to travel for the post office they were apart for
months at time. During these trips
around the colonies, he may have had affairs with younger women, although with
whom, or how many, we do not know. Franklin
only speaks of one who did not succumb. Catharine
Ray, 23, daughter of a wealthy Rhode Island family.
He probably met her when he was 50.
She refused his seduction but fell in love with him.[lviii]
They remained friends and correspondents, and he a mentor to both her,
and her husband, as long as he lived.[lix] He never saw Deborah again after
he sailed to England in 1757 to serve as Pennsylvania’s colonial agent. The
last 17 years of their marriage were nothing but correspondence, and she died,
at 66, in 1774, while Franklin was in London struggling with the final
deterioration of the colonial relationship.
The last five years of her life were particularly hard as she endured a
series of strokes, and there can be little doubt that she felt abandoned,
although she was always supportive of his work.
His son William wrote him in London after the funeral, that “her
disappointment” in his not returning “prayed a good deal on her spirits.”[lx] His struggle with pride, which
he had placed last on his list as the most difficult virtue for him to achieve,
turned out much more successfully than his attempts at chastity.
It is a measure of where he started from that he said he had not
originally even intended to include “humility,” as he phrased it.
He added it only when a Quaker friend whom he respected told him that his
peers “thought me proud.”[lxi] One of the central influences
that helped him in all this was Freemasonry.
He was first exposed to it during a year he worked in London as a young
man. He was struck by how many powerful influential men belonged to the newly
formed (1717) Grand Lodge, and realized belonging tied a man into an invisible
network that brought business and conferred influence, both of which he sought.[lxii]
There was no chance that he could join then, but his careful mind took
note. When the Lodge of St. John,
the first in the colonies was formed in Philadelphia, in 1727,[lxiii]
the pattern of the powerful becoming members was repeated, once again as
Franklin watched. This time though
he was not a simple journeyman but, master of a printing house, and publisher of
The Pennsylvania
Gazette which he had purchased in 1730, when he was 24. His ambition was still raw and
aggressive then and, on 8 December that year, perhaps hoping to show the Masonic
brothers he was a force to be reckoned with, he published an article he had
written claiming to reveal their secrets.[lxiv]
Instead of responding like the theocrats in Boston, who had tried to shut
down his brother James’ paper, the Courant,
when it criticized the Puritan clergy, the Masons invited him in.
In February 1731 he was inducted and, on 13th of May he wrote
and published an apology in the Gazette
admitting what he had done.[lxv] Freemasonry shaped and fed
Franklin’s spirit. It was secret,
congenial, offered a unique place for men of different classes to gather in
equality, and there were no theological disagreements. Masonry was a spiritual
path without sectarian disputes, it emphasized action not theology. Once inside
the brotherhood, Franklin discovered it almost exactly mirrored his own beliefs,
and glorified his class. It had a
logical quality, and its ascending degrees, like his list of virtues and his
creed, were designed to help a man build a life that was “four square and
true” through hard work and fair dealing. And the metaphysics of Free Masonry,
was expressed through the metaphor of the Creator as the great builder, and the
individual as a pilgrim journeyman. Most important of all, Masonry watered the
seed Cotton Mather had planted: Public
work for the common good was an important part of a Masonic life. Had we seen him
at that time, working in his printing house on Market Street in Philadelphia, we
would have seen a prospering tradesman with both the charm and toughness of a
self-made entrepreneur?[lxvi]
Until middle age people still thought him proud if brilliant, a little
aggressive, a bit too self-promoting, but endlessly well-intentioned and
hardworking. And everyone agreed he
was a presence. He seemed bigger
than his five foot nine or ten, and he had a large head.
His voice was pleasant although he sometimes spoke hesitantly, and he was
already using the disarming flow of humorous stories and snatches of songs that
marked the conversation of his later years.
Once committed, he was decisive and tenacious in action.[lxvii]
Strangely, for all the portraits of him, we do not know the color of his
hair or eyes. One biographer says
he had dark brown hair with gray eyes,[lxviii]
another describes him as near blond with hazel eyes.[lxix] On 14 May 1743, Franklin began
work on his ultimate Junto, the American Philosophical Society, which was also
modelled on the Royal Society, the leading intellectual association in Britain.
We think of Franklin today principally for his experiments in
electricity, particularly the indelible images of him flying a kite in a storm,
but Franklin’s contributions range across a half a dozen disciplines from
climatology, to oceanography, to geology, to medicine.
By writing the leading colonial natural scientists inviting them to join
him in forming America’s premiere intellectual society, he was exercising yet
another variation of his small-group model. As Masonry fed his spirit, so The
American Philosophical Society, his memberships in the Royal Society (1753) and
the French Academy (1772) would come to feed his mind. The quarter century from the
1727 founding of the Junto to his trip to England as colonial agent comprised
most of Franklin’s efforts to execute his plan for the organization of
American urban society, and the creation of his virtuous citizens.
During this time he held a wide selection of government posts, in
addition to his appointment with the Post Office, all of them yet further
permutations of his plan. As
historian Bruce Yenawine observed, Franklin never lost his “unshakable faith in the faculty of human
rationality and the ability of fair-minded and hard working men to squarely face
the trials of their lives and time and devise inventive, effective, and
compassionate responses.”[lxx] On hot
Tuesday afternoon, on the 13th of July 1787, during a
break in the deliberations of the Constitutional Convention, Manasseh Cutler,
armed with a letter of introduction, called upon Franklin at his home on Market
Street. Cutler had just pushed
through the Articles of Confederation Congress in New York (then governing the
country) a massive land program. Franklin,
who had been involved with land projects for much of his life was happy to
receive him. Thanks to
that visit we have a final portrait of one of our history’s most extraordinary
figures: “we found [Franklin] in his garden sitting upon a grass plat (mat) under a
very large Mulberry, with several other gentlemen (like Franklin most were
delegates to the Constitutional Convention)
and two or three ladies.” He
was, Cutler said, “a short fat,
trunched old man, in a plain Quaker dress, bald pate, and short white locks,
sitting without his hat under the tree….
(He was) perfectly easy, and
everything about him seems to diffuse an unrestrained freedom and happiness.
He has an incessant vein of humor, accompanied with an uncommon vivacity,
which seems as natural and involuntary as his breathing.”[lxxi] Two years later, in 1789,
Franklin’s health was failing, and he knew it. With wisdom’s long vision, he
decided to amend his will, so that he could continue his life’s work by
reaching out across the next two centuries, almost to the end of the 20th
Century. He stated his goal
candidly: “I wish to be useful
even after my Death, if possible, in forming and advancing other young men that
may be serviceable to their Country…”[lxxii] The protocol for his two-century
experiment -- for that was what it was, reminiscent in many ways of his
experiments with electricity -- was a testament trust that anticipated the
modern micro-lending programs of the famous
Grameen Banks, which have had such an empowering effect on today’s Asian
nations. He gave to Boston and
Philadelphia each “One thousand Pounds Sterling…”.[lxxiii]
This money was to be loaned (not
given) in small sums to “young married Artificers, under the Age of
twenty-five Years, as have served an Apprenticeship in the Said Town;
and faithfully fulfilled the Duties of their Indentures so as to obtain a
good moral Character from at least two respectable Citizens…”[lxxiv]
Franklin clearly saw those three people forming small group, and the
triads, in the nature of things overlapping into networks to strengthen their
cities, their states and, ultimately, their nation. Within a year Franklin would be
dead, yet the trusts would live on, if not always as he had planned, until
dissolved in 1991, still in accordance with Franklin’s careful instructions.
For 200 years they improved the lives of thousands of young families in Boston
and Philadelphia, and they do so still, because the 6.5 million dollars in the
trusts when they were dissolved was used to support educational programs for the
same people Franklin had originally designed them to serve.[lxxv] George Washington and Franklin
who had worked together through the war, developing a deep respect and
affection, said goodbye through their correspondence. On 23 September 1789, now President Washington wrote his
friend, whom he had been told was dying: “If
to be venerated for benevolence--if to be admired for talent--if to be esteemed
for patriotism--if to be beloved for philanthropy can gratify the human mind,
you must have the pleasing consolation to know that you have not lived in vain;
And I flatter my self that it will not be ranked among the least grateful
occurrences of your life to be assured that so long as I retain my memory--you
will be thought on with respect, veneration and affection…”[lxxvi]
Franklin in turn would leave to Washington his cane with the gold eagle
head, that he had been given by Louis XVI. Franklin
wrote his last thoughts on liberty later that year to British inventor and
politician David Hartley, with whom, six years before, he had negotiated the
Treaty of Paris that had sealed American independence. He said he hoped “that
not only the love of liberty, but a thorough knowledge of the rights of man, may
pervade all the nations of the earth…” He
fully understood the paradox for the United States in what he was saying, and
the last great effort of his life was dedicated to eliminating the cancer of
slavery from his new country. In
early life, Franklin had owned slaves, advertised their sale in his newspaper,
and even traded in human beings. But
by 1751 he had begun to think the institution was immoral and economically
unsound.[lxxvii]
While in London, in 1758, he had proposed that a school be started in
Philadelphia to educate Blacks.[lxxviii]
Like George Mason he believed the only chance Africans had in America was
education. When he returned from France in 1786, he helped reinvigorate The
Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, the first such
society in America, and became its President, lending his enormous prestige to
the cause of African American liberation. On
9 November 1789, most historians believe he ghost wrote the Society’s formal
arguments against slavery.[lxxix]
After a Congressional committee reported that Congress could not
interfere with the internal affairs of the states, and slavery was a states
rights issue, he also used his connections to see that the Society’s memorial
was presented to the first Congress.[lxxx] On
Tuesday the 23rd of March 1790, with only a month left to live, now
forced to take tincture of opium regularly to counteract pain, he completed a
last literary hoax in the service of ridding the new nation of slavery. A
Georgia Congressman, James Jackson, had given a speech arguing the states rights
position. Franklin wrote the editor
of the Federal Gazette, entitling his
letter: On the Slave Trade.
In it he says that Jackson’s speech reminded him of a one made
about a hundred years earlier by Sidi Mehemet Ibrahim, a member of the Divan of
Algiers. Sidi Mehemet Ibrahim, like
Silence Dogood, was a fiction and the letter used wit where others might have
cried out with passionate rhetoric. As he
had decades before in the eighth Dogood Letter on liberty, when he
offered a fictitious “…Abstract from the London
Journal…”[lxxxi]
he even provided his bogus Arab speech with a citation: “Martin’s account of
his consulship, anno 1687.”[lxxxii]
The speech, Franklin said, argued that it was it was acceptable for
Algerian pirates to enslave Christian mariners when their ships were captured
(one of the most passionately felt foreign policy issues America faced at that
time). The justifications Ibrahim
made for this practice, were the exact arguments advanced by Representative
Jackson to justify the enslavement of Africans. Franklin
died about 11 o’clock Saturday night on 17 April 1790.[lxxxiii]
He was three months past his 84th birthday. At 82, he
had talked about the power of one individual with a purpose.
Two centuries of hindsight enable us to fully appreciate how correct he
was in his vision of America, and how much we are all the beneficiaries of Dr.
Franklin’s plan. REFERENCES [i] Ronald W. Clark. Benjamin Franklin. (Random House: New York, 1983), pp. 299-301. [ii]
The
Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin Ed.
Charles W. Eliot. (P. F. Collier & Son
Co.: New York, 1909) Found at The
University of Virginia Electronic Text Center. [iii] Autobiography. Probably since 1739, when he was made Postmaster of Philadelphia, because it required inter-colonial cooperation. [iv] Benjamin Franklin to James Parker 20 March 1751. In The Importance of Gaining and Preserving the Friendship of the Indians to the British Interest, considered. London: Printed for E. Cave jun. At St. John’s gate, 1752. [v] Benjamin Franklin. Short hints towards a Scheme for Uniting the Northern Colonies. In Writings. Vol. III, pp. 197-199. [vi] Van Doren. Pp. 220-230. [vii] Loc Cit. Pp. 188-189. [viii] Benjamin Franklin. My Last Will and Testament. Dated 17 July 1788 with a Codicil or Addition dated 3 June 1789, signed and witnessed in his own hand. (Hereinafter Will.) [ix] Benjamin Franklin. Observations concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling of Countries, etc. in Writings. Vol. III, pp. 63-73. [x] Gary B. Nash. The Urban Crucible: Social Change, Political Consciousness, and the Origins of the American Revolution. (Cambridge, MA, 1979). Chapter 5, pp. 390-391. [xi] Theodore Thayer. “Town into City, 1746-1765,” in Philadelphia - A 300-Year History. ed. Russell F. Weigley. (Norton: New York, 1982). P.79. [xii] Ibid. [xiii] Ibid. [xiv] David Hawke. The Colonial Experience. (Babbs-Merrill: New York, 1966). Pp. 68-77 [xv] Hill, I, 331: Hill, H.A. History of the Old South Church (Third Church), Boston, 1669-1884. 2 vols. Boston, 1878-82. [xvi] Carl Van Doren. p. 5 [xvii] Autobiography. [xviii] Autobiography. [xix] Clark. P. 10 [xx] Ibid. [xxi] Loc Cit. P. 11 [xxii] Autobiography. [xxiii] Ibid. [xxiv] Clark. p.12. [xxv] Clark. Pp. 12-13 [xxvi] Autobiography. [xxvii] Ibid. [xxviii] “Supplement to the Memoirs: comprising Characters, Eulogiums, and Anecdotes of Dr. Franklin, “ William Temple Franklin (ed.), Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Benjamin Franklin. 4to ed., 3 vols. Vol. 1, p. 447. [xxix] Autobiography. [xxx] Ibid. [xxxi] Van Doren p. 12. [xxxii] Ibid. [xxxiii] John F. Watson. Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania, in the Olden Time;. 2 vols. Vol. 1, p. 254. [xxxiv] Isaiah Thomas. History of printing in America. In Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian Society. Vol. V, p. 110. [xxxv]
Autobiography. [xxxvi] Ibid. [xxxvii] Writings. Vol. II, pp. 214-216. [xxxviii] Autobiography. [xxxix] Thomas Tryon. The way to health, long life and happiness, or, A discourse of temperance and the particular nature of all things requisit for the life of man... To which is added a treatise of most sorts of English herbs... By Philothe Physiologus [pseud.] Published: London, Printed and sold by A. Sowle, 1683. [xl] Autobiography. [xli] Van Doren. P.16 [xlii] Van Doren. P. 770. [xliii] Clark. P. 19. [xliv] Cotton Mather. Essays to Do Good, Addressed to All Christians, Whether in Public of Private Capacities, ed. George Burder (Johnstown, 1815), p. 140. [xlv] Autobiography. [xlvi] The Courant. No. 49, 2 July to 9 July 1722. [xlvii] Van Doren. pp. 72-75. [xlviii] Papers. Vol. 1, pp 101-109, and Franklin’s letter to Ezra Stiles, dated 9 March 1790 in Writings (Lemay). Pp. 1178-1180. [xlix] Van Doren p. 87. [l] Van Doren. P. 88. [li] Ibid. [lii] Loc Cit.. P. 91 [liii] Loc Cit. P. 645, and Clark. pp. 42-44 [liv] Will [lv] Van Doren. P.94. [lvi] Memoirs. P. 204. [lvii] Daniel Fisher. “Diary.” In Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. Vol. XVII (1893). Pp. 263-78. [lviii] Van Doren. Pp. 234-242. [lix] Ibid. [lx] William Franklin to Benjamin Franklin, 24 December 1774. In Letters to Benjamin Franklin, from His Family and Friends. 1751-1790. Ed. William Duane. p. 60. [lxi] Autobiography. [lxii] Clark. Pp. 43-44. [lxiii] Clark. P. 43. [lxiv] Van Doren. P. 132. [lxv] Ibid. [lxvi] Van Doren. P. 91 & Clark. P. 24. [lxvii] Van Doren. P.91 [lxviii] Clark, P. 24. [lxix] Van Doren. P. 91. [lxx] Bruce H. Yenawine. Benjamin Franklin’s Legacy of Virtue - The Franklin Trusts of Boston and Philadelphia. Doctoral Dissertation May 1995 Department of Philosophy. Syracuse University May 1995. P. 18. [lxxi] Hawke. p. 270. [lxxii] Will. P. 7. [lxxiii] Will. Pp.7-8. [lxxiv] Ibid. [lxxv] Yenawine. [lxxvi] George Washington. Collected Papers. Letter of GW to BF 23 September 1789. [lxxvii] Writings. Vol. III, pp. 66-67. [lxxviii] Pennington. Vol. LXIII, p. 7 (See ref. for Chapter 18). [lxxix] Writings. Vol. X, pp. 66-68. [lxxx] Annals of Congress. First Congress, second session. Pp.1197-1205 and pp. 1414-1415, and 1474.. [lxxxi] Courant. Loc. Cit. [lxxxii] Writings. Vol. X. Pp. 86-91. [lxxxiii] Van Doren. P. 779.
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